Signing The Mine Ban Treaty Is Morally And Militarily Right
Army Times
April 3, 2000
By Robert G. Gard
Military leaders want to employ all weapons that
help accomplish our
traditional mission of destroying the enemy force in the shortest
time with as few friendly casualties as possible.
Demonstrated by the case of anti-personnel land
mines, the Pentagon resists efforts to prohibit the use of a weapon
out of fear that removing it is precursor to further restrictions
on more vital hardware.
The majority of the world's nations signed the
Mine Ban Treaty, which prohibits production, stock-piling, transfer
and -- most important -- the use of AP mines, an indiscriminate
weapon inflicting over 26,000 civilian casualties per year. Not
surprisingly, the Pentagon opposes the treaty, asserting AP mines
promote combat effectiveness and increase force protection.
The only legitimate military function of AP mines
is in impeding the movement of foot soldiers. As former Secretary
of Defense William Perry stated in 1996, AP mines "delay and
disrupt, slow down ... infantry. ... There are other ways of doing
that ... with tactics, techniques, other weapons."
There are other means of achieving the same result
without AP mines. And persuasive evidence exists that using them
is counterproductive. As Gen. Alfred Gray, retired commandant of
the Marine Corps, stated: "We kill more Americans with our
own mines than we do anyone else."
Undertaken at the request of the chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, a 1996 Dupuy Institute study concluded AP
mines "constituted more of a hazard to friendly troops than
to the enemy." The president of the institute, a highly respected
retired Army combat arms major general, said a total ban on AP mines,
if adhered to by most nations, "will only benefit U.S. ground
forces in the long run." He recommended to the chairman that
"the United States support a total ban on anti-personnel land
mines."
A 1995 Army Training and Doctrine Command publication
states that close combat operations will be "fast-paced and
hard to predict." Also, battle space will be "fluid,"
requiring "agility" and "flexibility" of "noncontiguous"
units in conducting "active defense operations." This
highlights our comparative advantage in mobility, making minefields
a threat to units operating under TRADOC doctrine. Retired Lt. Gen.
James Hollingsworth, designer of the basic defense plan for South
Korea, called military utility of AP mines in Korea "minimal,
and ... even offset by the difficulty AP mines pose to our brand
of mobile warfare."
Responding to arguments that AP mines will help
prevent U.S. units from being overrun by wave attacks of North Korean
troops, Hollingsworth notes, "We have developed numerous methods
other than AP mines to halt the North Korean advance."
Employed in Operation Desert Storm, AP mines combined
with AT mines in air-delivered "Gator" systems did little
to disrupt retreating Iraqi units. But the system significantly
impeded the maneuverability of our troops, slowing operational tempo
and inflicting casualties on our own soldiers.
That commander, Gen. Norman Schwartzkopf, joined
14 retired U.S. senior officers in a 1996 letter to the president,
arguing AP mines are not essential, urging the president to ban
all AP mines as soon as possible, an action "not only humanitarian
but militarily responsible."
Past experience is indicative: AP mines caused
33 percent of American casualties in Vietnam, 34 percent in the
Gulf War and more than 300 casualties so far among allied peacekeepers
in Bosnia. Except Turkey, all of NATO has signed the treaty. Paradoxically,
NATO forces operate effectively and safely without AP mines, while
the Pentagon claims we must find and field "suitable alternatives."
A former Army chief of staff said to me recently:
"While I'm reluctant to second-guess the Joint Chiefs, we're
clearly out of step on this one -- we should sign the treaty."
Seeing our president give up the decision to become
party to the Mine Ban Treaty, our military leaders should take a
longer view of the security requirements of both the nation and
the American soldier. The Pentagon's obligation is to assure the
president that joining the ban will not put our soldiers at risk.
Whatever marginal utility AP mines have, experience with their use
demonstrates they are most effective at maiming and killing American
infantry. We must sign the treaty.
Retired Lt. Gen. Robert G. Gard Jr. is military
adviser to the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation.
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